By Sarwar Kashmeri
American overseas coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything rather amiss with the European-American dating that multilateralism won't repair. no longer real, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is useless, can't be fastened, and has to be renegotiated. It has no longer grown to house Europe's emergence as an immense strength. a type of usa of Europe, with international priorities assorted from these of the USA, has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the United States remains to be forging international coverage for Europe utilizing chilly battle realities; either Democrats and Republicans anticipate the ecu Union to fall into step, and file for provider as needed—under American leadership.Europe, in spite of the fact that, has different plans, and because it turns into extra robust at the international degree, competing visions of eu management have emerged. The Iraq battle has introduced them into stark reduction. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq was once extra approximately French-British pageant for management of Europe than it was once a couple of department among American ambitions and eu targets. He portrays British overseas coverage as out of contact with truth, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the us a result of Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American designated courting. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance according to a distinct dating with the ecu Union. This schedule is galvanized by way of the ideas of the leaders who spoke to the writer particularly for this booklet, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British best minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley ok. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Extra resources for America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
Clark believes that when and if the British prime minister raises his country’s profile within the European Union and makes a grand entrance into Europe, it will not be on the basis of surrendering the United Kingdom’s economic sovereignty by replacing the pound sterling with the euro but on the basis of providing military capabilities that are sufficiently robust to make the European Union a desirable security partner for the United States and one that would make America feel secure. This mission is poles apart from the French vision of an integrated Europe with its own armed forces that will provide a balance to America as the sole superpower and will add geopolitical balance in the world.
After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the Europeans, through NATO, had stepped up to the plate and, for the first time ever, invoked NATO’s Article 5, which in essence states that aggression against one NATO member is an aggression against all of them. NATO members then wanted to join the war against the Taliban in Afghanistan, but they were judged by the United States to be deficient in battle readiness and the technologies needed to conduct effective military operations; that they would be like an anchor—a burden that would have to be lugged into battle.
He dealt extensively with European financial and political leaders in those years, and part of his very successful tenure as the Fed’s chief was the ability to synthesize and interpret global developments and factor their meaning into action regarding American monetary policy. I wondered what his perspective might be on the nature of the current rift. This Rift Is Different 15 True to form, Volcker was characteristically blunt. “My sense is that from a political and security perspective this rift is worse, quite a lot worse,” he told me.
America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide by Sarwar Kashmeri