By Martin Mevius
After 1945, kingdom patriotism of the communist regimes in japanese Europe used to be characterised through the common use of nationwide symbols. In communist Hungary the social gathering (MKP) commonly celebrated nationwide vacation trips, nationwide heroes, erected nationwide statues, and hired nationwide road names. This 'socialist patriotism' had its beginning within the 'national line' of the Comintern, verified on Soviet directions following the German invasion of the Soviet Union. at the moment Stalin referred to as the events of the Comintern to oppose the Germans by way of issuing the decision for nationwide liberation. This coverage persisted after 1945 while, as an reduction within the fight for energy, the MKP awarded itself as either the 'heir to the traditions of the international locations' and the 'only actual consultant of the curiosity of the Hungarian people'. satirically in spite of the fact that, the Soviet origins of the nationwide line have been additionally one of many major hindrances to its luck because the MKP couldn't recommend nationwide calls for if those conflicted with Soviet pursuits. Martin Mevius' pioneering learn finds that what had begun as a tactical degree in 1941 had develop into the self-image of occasion and country in 1953 and that the last word loyalty to the Soviet Union labored to the detriment of the nationwide get together - the MKP by no means rid itself of the label 'agents of Moscow'.
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Extra info for Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs)
Quite likely, the NKFD was brought into existence for several of the above-mentioned reasons. Another possible motive, unmentioned so far, but which becomes obvious when considering the Comintern’s policy of national propaganda, is that the NKFD was in part intended as a propaganda tool to extend beyond the front and into Germany: its existence showed that patriots could be found ﬁghting against Hitler. The same could be said of other national committees. Thus, it reinforced the national line of the communist parties, and ultimately aided the Soviet war effort.
Additionally, every party was unconditionally expected to aid ‘any Soviet republic’ that requested help. 30 The Russian party was dominant. Paragraph of the statutes declared that the brunt of the work of ECCI would rest on the party where the ECCI had its seat. This party provided ﬁve representatives to the ECCI with the right to vote, the other ‘important parties’ only one. Because the Russian party was the only one that could provide a secure territory for the Comintern to reside in, this meant that, in fact, the Soviet party controlled the Comintern from the very beginning.
Communists who failed to understand the importance of this ‘voluntarily hand over to the Fascist falsiﬁers all that is valuable in the historical past 55 Haslam, Struggle for Collective Security, . Communism and Nationalism of the nation’. Communists, Dimitrov continued, were ‘irreconcilable opponents, on principle of bourgeois nationalism in all its forms’, but at the same time should not support ‘national nihilism’. The principle of proletarian internationalism was fundamental, but ‘anyone who thinks that this permits him, or even compels him, to sneer at all the national sentiments of the wide masses of the working people is far from being a genuine Bolshevik, and has understood nothing of the teaching of Lenin and Stalin on the national question’.
Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs) by Martin Mevius