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By S. L Titarenko

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On the one hand, there was the party’s pro-migration wing, and on the other, there was the Trade Union Congress. While the unions had already been in favour of free movement by the time of the 1961 Commonwealth Immigrants Act, and had denounced the 1971 Act for being racially discriminatory, they had, in principle, also accepted the stricter controls that were proposed (Freeman, 2006). Nevertheless, both parties continued to converge, with Labour’s Green Paper (1975) being virtually identical to the Conservatives’ 1972 proposal on nationality (Dummett, 2005).

The employment voucher scheme was, for example, replaced by a system of work permits, which did not give the primary migrant or his/her dependents the right to settle permanently. The act also included the possibility of financial provision for voluntary repatriation (LaytonHenry, 1980). The bipartisan consensus had a remarkable longevity and managed to survive the Ugandan Asian crisis in 1973, the rise of the National Front as well as Margaret Thatcher’s ‘swamped by people of a different culture’ speech in the late 1970s.

12). 16). If the manifesto framed either ‘issue’, and its associated sub-categories, using either ‘Ownership’; ‘Choice’ or ‘Neither Ownership nor Choice’ discourses, the relevant box was ticked regardless of the number of times such language was present. ’ (PS, 2007) ‘Britain is made up of many ethnic communities. ’ (Conservatives, 2001) The qualitative aspect, on the other hand, provides a more in-depth exploration of the justifications that were made to the adopted positions (see Chapter 5 for further discussion of these outcomes).

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A work of genius on ideilogical foundations of Bolshevism by S. L Titarenko

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